In February, President Obama
signed into law a reauthorization of the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA)
that requires the agency — on a fairly rapid schedule — to write rules opening
U.S. airspace to unmanned aerial vehicles. This puts the FAA at the center of a
potentially dramatic set of policy changes that stand to usher in a long list
of direct and indirect benefits. But the FAA is not a privacy agency. And
although real privacy concerns have arisen about these aircraft, asking the
agency to take on the role of privacy czar for unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs)
would be a mistake.
UAVs; commonly known as
drones, offer real promise for an array of domestic applications. In an era of
ever-tighter budgets, they could dramatically reduce the cost to law
enforcement agencies and private companies involved in gathering vital — in
some cases, lifesaving — information. UAV research and innovation are driving
the creation of companies and the jobs that accompany them. Many of these
innovations are pushing the frontiers of robotics in ways that will help U.S.
competitiveness in this industry and beyond.
But like any new technology,
UAVs can bring challenges as well. The FAA has been charged with figuring out,
by the middle of next month, how to expedite the licensing of certain
government drones. It is also supposed to develop, by later this year, a
comprehensive plan for the integration of private UAVs into U.S. airspace by late 2015.
Simply put, the FAA has a
lot on its plate. There are the basic regulatory questions: How do you put large
numbers of unmanned systems in the air without endangering commercial and
general aviation? Who can fly a UAV — not to mention, of what size, how high
and how far — without its posing a threat? What rules should apply, and how
should they be enforced?
Significant concerns have
also arisen about the possibility that law enforcement agencies, companies and
private individuals might exploit UAVs to acquire invasive imagery. The current
legal framework with respect to observations from above by government is not
particularly protective of privacy.
Two of the most relevant
Supreme Court cases, California v. Ciraolo in 1986 and Florida
v. Riley in 1989, addressed law enforcement’s use of manned aircraft
to perform surveillance of a suspect’s property. In both cases, the court held
that observations made from “public navigable airspace” in the absence of a
warrant did not violate the Fourth Amendment.
These precedents suggest, in
a world in which UAVs will be inexpensive and plentiful, that government
operators might have broad legal latitude to use them for surveillance.
Nongovernment operators may have even fewer constraints regarding surveillance.
And today’s cameras are far more capable than those of the 1980s and can
acquire stunning high-resolution imagery from hundreds of feet away — imagery
that can be processed using ever more capable computers.
Against this backdrop, a
coalition of civil liberties groups has petitioned the FAA “to conduct a rulemaking to address
the threat to privacy and civil liberties that will result from the deployment
of aerial drones within [the] United
States .” Another civil liberties group
suggested that “on its own authority,
the FAA can — and should — investigate the possible negative effects
of flying drones in U.S. airspace” to “ferret out potential privacy problems
and find solutions.” On Thursday, the co-chairs of the Congressional Bipartisan
Privacy Caucus wrote to the FAA “to express our concerns about the law’s
potential privacy implications and to request information about how the FAA is
addressing these important matters.” The potential for abuses on the part of
government actors, corporations and even individuals is real — and warrants
serious consideration before some set of incidents poisons public attitudes
against a field that promises great benefits.
The FAA’s mission, as stated
on its Web site, is to “provide the
safest, most efficient aerospace system in the world.” It is hard to
overstate the challenges the agency will face in safely providing for the
operation of what may soon be tens of thousands of UAVs, operated by tens of
thousands of people from unconventional flight locations — while it continues
to manage and modernize the existing framework for traditional manned aircraft.
Meanwhile, privacy is a field in which virtually every principle is contested
and public expectations are shifting quickly.
The privacy issues
associated with UAVs are part of a larger set of questions unrelated to
aviation: how to protect individuals in the context of the rapid proliferation
of information-gathering technologies to governments, companies and our
neighbors. In some respects, UAVs are not so different from cell phone cameras,
networked computers and other technologies that reduce the space for keeping
personal affairs from view.
Expecting the FAA to broaden
its already unenviable task, under tight deadline pressure, to include this
hotly disputed field that lies far from its core competency is a recipe for bad
and technologically uneven outcomes that will satisfy no one.
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