Obama's
contraception compromise is a rare practical solution to America 's
perennial church-state tensions.
The
president did something agile and wise the other day. And something quite
important to the health of our politics. He reached up and snuffed out what
some folks wanted to make into a cosmic battle between good and evil. No, said
the president, we're not going to turn the argument over contraception into
Armageddon, this is an honest difference between Americans, and I'll not see it
escalated into a holy war. So instead of the government requiring Catholic
hospitals and other faith-based institutions to provide employees with health
coverage involving contraceptives, the insurance companies will offer that
coverage, and offer it free.
The
Catholic bishops had cast the president's intended policy as an infringement on
their religious freedom; they hold birth control to be a mortal sin, and were
incensed that the government might coerce them to treat it otherwise. The
president in effect said: No quarrel there; no one's going to force you to
violate your doctrine. But Catholics are also Americans, and if an individual
Catholic worker wants coverage, she should have access to it -- just like any
other American citizen. Under the new plan, she will. She can go directly to
the insurer, and the religious institution is off the hook.
Sen. Mitch
McConnell, R-KY, says:
The fact that the White House thinks this is about contraception is the whole problem. This is about freedom of religion. It's right there in the First Amendment. You can't miss it, right there in the very First Amendment to our Constitution. And the government doesn't get to decide for religious people what their religious beliefs are. They get to decide that.
But here's
what Republicans don't get, or won't tell you. And what Obama manifestly does
get. First, the war's already lost: 98 percent of Catholic women of
child-bearing age have used contraceptives. Second, on many major issues, the
bishops are on Obama's side -- not least on extending unemployment benefits,
which they call "a moral obligation." Truth to tell, on economic
issues, the bishops are often to the left of some leading Democrats, even if
both sides are loathe to admit it. Furthermore -- and shhh, don't repeat this,
even if the president already has -- the Catholic Church funded Obama's first
community organizing, back in Chicago.
Ah, politics.
So the
battle over contraception no longer seems apocalyptic. No heavenly hosts pitted
against the forces of Satan. It's a political brawl, not a crusade of believers
or infidels. The president skillfully negotiated the line between respect for
the religious sphere and protection of the spiritual dignity and freedom of
individuals. If you had listened carefully to the speech Barack Obama made in
2009 at the University of Notre Dame, you could have seen it coming:
The soldier
and the lawyer may both love this country with equal passion, and yet reach
very different conclusions on the specific steps needed to protect us from
harm. The gay activist and the evangelical pastor may both deplore the ravages
of HIV/AIDS, but find themselves unable to bridge the cultural divide that
might unite their efforts. Those who speak out against stem-cell research may
be rooted in an admirable conviction about the sacredness of life, but so are
the parents of a child with juvenile diabetes who are convinced that their son's
or daughter's hardships might be relieved. The question then is, "How do
we work through these conflicts?
We
Americans have wrestled with that question from the beginning. Some of our
forebearers feared the church would corrupt the state. Others feared the state
would corrupt the church. It's been a real tug-of-war, sometimes quite ugly.
Churches and religious zealots did get punitive laws passed against what they
said were moral and religious evils: blasphemy, breaking the Sabbath, alcohol,
gambling, books, movies, plays ... and yes, contraception. But churches also
fought to end slavery, help workers organize and pass progressive laws. Of
course, government had its favorites at times; for much of our
history, it privileged the Protestant majority. And in my lifetime alone, it's
gone back and forth on how to apply the First Amendment to ever- changing
circumstances among people so different from each other. The Supreme Court, for
example, first denied, then affirmed, the right of the children of Jehovah's
Witnesses to refuse, on religious grounds, to salute the flag.
So here we
are once again, arguing over how to honor religious liberty without it becoming
the liberty to impose on others moral beliefs they don't share. Our practical
solution is the one Barack Obama embraced the other day: protect freedom of
religion -- and freedom from religion. Can't get more American than that.
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