In the worst incident so
far, hundreds of police, dressed in riot gear, surrounded Occupy Oakland’s
encampment and fired rubber bullets (which can be fatal), flash grenades, and
tear-gas canisters – with some officers taking aim directly at demonstrators.
The Occupy Oakland Twitter feed read like a report from Cairo ’s Tahrir Square : “they are surrounding us”;
“hundreds and hundreds of police”; “there are armored vehicles and Hummers.”
There were 170 arrests.
My own recent arrest, while
obeying the terms of a permit and standing peacefully on a street in lower Manhattan , brought the
reality of this crackdown close to home. America is waking up to what was built
while it slept: private companies have hired away its police (JPMorgan Chase gave
$4.6 million to the New York City Police Foundation); the federal Department of
Homeland Security has given small municipal police forces military-grade
weapons systems; citizens’ rights to freedom of speech and assembly have been
stealthily undermined by opaque permit requirements.
Suddenly, America looks
like the rest of the furious, protesting, not-completely-free world. Indeed,
most commentators have not fully grasped that a world war is occurring. But it
is unlike any previous war in human history: for the first time, people around
the world are not identifying and organizing themselves along national or
religious lines, but rather in terms of a global consciousness and demands for
a peaceful life, a sustainable future, economic justice, and basic democracy.
Their enemy is a global “corporatocracy” that has purchased governments and
legislatures, created its own armed enforcers, engaged in systemic economic
fraud, and plundered treasuries and ecosystems.
Around the world, peaceful
protesters are being demonized for being disruptive.
But democracy is
disruptive. Martin Luther King, Jr., argued that peaceful disruption of
“business as usual” is healthy, because it exposes buried injustice, which can
then be addressed. Protesters ideally should dedicate themselves to
disciplined, nonviolent disruption in this spirit – especially disruption of
traffic. This serves to keep provocateurs at bay, while highlighting the unjust
militarization of the police response.
Moreover, protest movements
do not succeed in hours or days; they typically involve sitting down or
“occupying” areas for the long hauls. That is one reason why protesters should
raise their own money and hire their own lawyers. The corporatocracy is
terrified that citizens will reclaim the rule of law. In every country,
protesters should field an army of attorneys.
Protesters should also make
their own media, rather than relying on mainstream outlets to cover them. They
should blog, tweet, write editorials and press releases, as well as log and
document cases of police abuse (and the abusers).
There are, unfortunately,
many documented cases of violent provocateurs infiltrating demonstrations in
places like Toronto , Pittsburgh ,
London , and Athens – people whom one Greek described to
me as “known unknowns.” Provocateurs, too, need to be photographed and logged,
which is why it is important not to cover one’s face while
protesting.
Protesters in democracies
should create email lists locally, combine the lists nationally, and start
registering voters. They should tell their representatives how many voters they
have registered in each district – and they should organize to oust politicians
who are brutal or repressive. And they should support those – as in Albany , New York ,
for instance, where police and the local prosecutor refused to crack down on
protesters – who respect the rights to free speech and assembly.
Many protesters insist in
remaining leaderless, which is a mistake. A leader does not have to sit atop a
hierarchy: a leader can be a simple representative. Protesters should elect
representatives for a finite “term,” just like in any democracy, and train them
to talk to the press and to negotiate with politicians.
Protests should model the
kind of civil society that their participants want to create. In lower Manhattan ’s Zuccotti
Park , for example, there
is a library and a kitchen; food is donated; kids are invited to sleep over;
and teach-ins are organized. Musicians should bring instruments, and the
atmosphere should be joyful and positive. Protesters should clean up after
themselves. The idea is to build a new
city within the corrupt city, and to show that it
reflects the majority of society, not a marginal, destructive fringe.
After all, what is most
profound about these protest movements is not their demands, but rather the
nascent infrastructure of a common humanity. For decades, citizens have been
told to keep their heads down – whether in a consumerist fantasy world or in
poverty and drudgery – and leave leadership to the elites. Protest is
transformative precisely because people emerge, encounter one another
face-to-face, and, in re-learning the habits of freedom, build new
institutions, relationships, and organizations.
None of that cannot happen
in an atmosphere of political and police violence against peaceful democratic
protesters. As Bertolt Brecht famously asked, following the East German Communists’
brutal crackdown on protesting workers in June 1953, “Would it not be
easier…for the government to dissolve the people and elect another?” Across
America, and in too many other countries, supposedly democratic leaders seem to
be taking Brecht’s ironic question all too seriously.
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