By late morning on Wednesday, Occupy Wall Street, a noble
but fractured and airy movement of rightly frustrated young people, had a
default ambassador in a half-naked woman who called herself Zuni Tikka. A
blonde with a marked likeness to Joni Mitchell and a seemingly even stronger
wish to burrow through the space-time continuum and hunker down in 1968, Ms.
Tikka had taken off all but her cotton underwear and was dancing on the north
side of Zuccotti Park , facing Liberty Street , just west of Broadway.
Tourists stopped to take pictures; cops smiled, and the insidiously favorable
tax treatment of private equity and hedge-fund
managers was looking as though it would endure.
“I’ve been waiting for this my whole life,” Ms. Tikka, 37,
told me.
“This,” presumably was the opportunity to air societal
grievances as carnival. Occupy Wall Street, a diffuse and leaderless convocation
of activists against greed, corporate influence, gross social inequality and
other nasty byproducts of wayward capitalism not easily extinguishable by
street theater, had hoped to see many thousands join its protest and
encampment, which began Sept. 17. According to the group, 2,000 marched on the
first day; news outlets estimated that the number was closer to several
hundred.
By Wednesday morning, 100 or so stalwarts were making the
daily, peaceful trek through the financial district, where their movements were
circumscribed by barricades and a heavy police presence. (By Saturday, scores
of arrests were made.) By Thursday, the number still sleeping in Zuccotti Park , the central base of operations,
appeared to be dwindling further.
Members retained hope for an infusion of energy over the
weekend, but as it approached, the issue was not that the Bastille hadn’t been
stormed, but that its facade had suffered hardly a chip. It is a curious fact
of life in New York
that even as the disparities between rich and poor grow deeper, the kind of
large-scale civil agitation that Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg recently suggested might happen here hasn’t taken shape. The city
has two million more residents than Wisconsin ,
but there, continuing protests of the state budget bill this year turned out
approximately 100,000 people at their peak. When a similar mobilization was
attempted in June to challenge the city’s budget cuts, 100 people arrived for a sleep-in near City Hall.
Last week brought a disheartening coupling of statistics
further delineating the city’s economic divide: The Forbes 400 list of wealthiest
Americans, which included more than 50 New Yorkers whose combined net worth
totaled $211 billion, arrived at the same moment as census data showing that
the percentage of the city’s population living in poverty had risen to 20.1
percent. And yet the revolution did not appear to be brewing.
Most of those entrenched in Zuccotti Park had indeed
traveled from somewhere else; they had come from Pennsylvania, Massachusetts,
Missouri, Texas and so on with drums, horns, tambourines and, in the instance
of one young man, a knee-length burlap vest, fur hat, ski goggles and tiny
plastic baby dolls applied to the tips of his fingers.
One of the few New Yorkers I met, a senior at Bronx High
School of Science, was stopping by in fits and spurts, against the wishes of
his psychiatrist mother, who feared the possibility of tear gas and had
chastised her son for giving his allowance to the cause.
That cause, though, in specific terms, was virtually
impossible to decipher. The group was clamoring for nothing in particular to
happen right away — not the implementation of the Buffett rule or
the increased regulation of the financial industry. Some didn’t think
government action was the answer because the rich, they believed, would just
find new ways to subvert the system.
“I’m not for interference,” Anna Katheryn Sluka, of western Michigan , told me. “I
hope this all gets people who have a lot to think: ‘I’m not going to go to Barcelona for three
weeks. I’m going to sponsor a small town in need.’ ”
Some said they were fighting the legal doctrine of corporate
personhood; others, not fully understanding what that meant, believed it meant
corporations paid no taxes whatsoever. Others came to voice concerns about the
death penalty, the drug war, the environment.
“I want to get rid of the combustion engine,” John McKibben,
an activist from Vermont ,
declared as his primary ambition.
“I want to create spectacles,” Becky Wartell, a recent
graduate of the College
of the Atlantic in Maine ,
said.
Having discerned the intellectual vacuum, Chris Spiech, an
unemployed 26-year-old from New
Jersey , arrived on Thursday with the hope of
indoctrinating his peers in the lessons of Austrian economics, Milton Friedman
and Ron Paul. “I want to abolish the Federal Reserve,” he said.
The group’s lack of cohesion and its apparent wish to
pantomime progressivism rather than practice it knowledgably is unsettling in
the face of the challenges so many of its generation face — finding work,
repaying student loans, figuring out ways
to finish college when money has run out. But what were the chances that its
members were going to receive the attention they so richly deserve carrying
signs like “Even if the World Were to End Tomorrow I’d Still Plant a Tree
Today”?
One day, a trader on the floor of the New York Stock
Exchange, Adam Sarzen, a decade or so older than many of the protesters, came
to Zuccotti Park seemingly just to shake his head. “Look at these kids, sitting
here with their Apple computers,” he said. “Apple, one of the biggest
monopolies in the world. It trades at $400 a share. Do they even know that?”
E-mail: bigcity@nytimes.com
No comments:
Post a Comment
I want to hear from you but any comment that advocates violence, illegal activity or that contains advertisements that do not promote activism or awareness, will be deleted.