Conservatives yearn for a big, clarifying electoral victory
in November 2012, but they’re already winning decisively whenever Americans
vote with their feet—or their moving vans.
New census numbers show citizens fleeing by the
millions from liberal states and flocking in comparable numbers to bastions of
right-wing sentiment. Call it the Great Political Migration.
Between 2009 and 2010 the five biggest losers in terms of
“residents lost to other states” were all prominent redoubts of progressivism: California , New York , Illinois , Michigan , and New Jersey . Meanwhile,
the five biggest winners in the relocation sweepstakes are all commonly
identified as red states in which Republicans generally dominate local
politics: Florida , Texas ,
North Carolina , Arizona ,
and Georgia .
Expanding the review to a 10-year span, the biggest population gainers (in
percentage terms) have been even more conservative than last year’s winners: Nevada , Arizona , Utah , Idaho , and Texas , in that order.
The shift in national demographics has already rearranged
the playing field for the upcoming presidential election. States that Barack
Obama carried were the biggest losers in the reapportionment that followed the
2010 Census, with New York and Ohio dropping two
electoral votes each. Texas ,
meanwhile, gained a whopping four votes all by its Lone Star lonesome self.
Even in the unlikely event that Obama carried exactly the same states he
carried in 2008, he’d still win six fewer electoral votes in 2012. Even more
tellingly, if the epic Bush-Gore battle of 2000 played out on the new Electoral
College map, with the two candidates carrying precisely the states they each
won 11 years ago, the result would have been a far more clear-cut GOP victory
margin of 33 electoral votes (instead of the five-vote nail-biter recorded in
history books).
Fifty years ago, the United States saw a mass migration
from east to west. Today we’re witnessing a comparable migration from left to
right.
This significant shift in population not only presents
progressives with significant problems in terms of practical politics, but also
confronts them with profound ideological challenges.
If liberal approaches work so well, why are so many people
choosing to pack their bags and desert some of the most progressive, pro-labor,
big-government states in the union?
And if uncompromising conservatism is a cruel, fraudulent
disaster, why do small-government, pro-business, low-tax, gun-toting, and
churchgoing states draw such a disproportionate number of America ’s internal immigrants?
In the emerging presidential campaign, it’s easy to see a
version of these questions dominating the debate. Why should anyone choose to
endorse liberal, Democratic policies when a single year (2009-10) saw 880,000
residents packing up their belongings to place Barack Obama’s Illinois in their rear-view mirror, while
782,000 new arrivals helped drive the robust economy in Rick Perry’s Texas?
During the bad old days of the Cold War, so many people
tried to leave East Germany that the communists built a wall to keep them in.
The world rightly took that gesture as evidence of failure and corruption in
the Stalinist system.
My late parents cherished that dream and made the trek from Philadelphia to my dad’s first job (after graduate school
on the GI Bill) in San Diego .
They loaded a battered, gray ’53 Plymouth
with their possessions and their 5-year-old son (me) and drove across the
country for a thrilling new life. Growing up in the ’50s and ’60s, nearly
everyone we knew seemed recently arrived from somewhere else, thrilled to
experience the electric atmosphere of a place that seemed to define America ’s
bright future.
After my parents’ divorce, my father eventually decided to
leave California for a corner of the earth that promised even more excitement and
significance—Israel—and he spent the last 19 years of his life in Jerusalem. As
for me, I finally persuaded my wife, Diane (a fifth-generation Californian
whose ancestors arrived in Gold Rush days), to move our family to Washington state in
1996, and there’s never been a day when I regretted that decision.
To some, this move from one center for liberal lunacy to
another progressive outpost made no sense: Seattle
offered the lefty politics of California
but with considerably less sunshine. But there is one striking difference
between these two Pacific Coast states: When it comes to income taxes, California ’s top rate
recently crested to an appalling 10.3 percent (on top of federal tax burdens,
sales tax, property tax, and much more). Washington ,
on the other hand, imposes no income tax at all, and ongoing growth makes Washington the only blue
state (that’s right, the only one) that added a congressional seat in the
recent Census.
The impact of state income taxes helps explain the flow of
business and families to those states with more hospitable, less-intrusive
attitudes toward enterprise. The dollars involved are hardly trivial. California punishes the
stinking, selfish, filthy rich by imposing the second-highest rate–9.3
percent—on every dollar an individual earns beyond the obscenely lavish sum of
$46,766. New York
takes similar aim at privileged plutocrats, with individual tax rates of at
least 6.75 percent for any earnings above … $20,000. But if those hard-pressed
wage-earners make their way to Nevada ,
they’ll pay nothing in state income tax, and revel in their residence in one of
nine states that avoid punishing earning and effort. Even in left-tilting Washington , voters in
2010 rejected (by nearly 2 to 1) a state income tax placed on the ballot by Bill
Gates Sr.
There are no real political refugees within the United States ,
and few families move from one state to another to search for more congenial
political leadership. Climate, family concerns, and job opportunities are all
factors. But the contrasting cultures that state politics help to shape make a
big difference in determining which parts of the nation seem more or less
promising to potential migrants. With the Gallup
poll showing self-described “conservatives” outnumbering self-proclaimed
“liberals” by nearly 2 to 1 (41 percent to 21 percent) it’s not surprising that
states with pro-business, pro-family attitudes draw disproportionate numbers of
new arrivals. At the same time, it makes sense that those states with
aggressive, intrusive bureaucracies, high taxes, and relentless experiments in
multiculturalism will encourage mass departures.
The millions of resettlers who move their families to more
sympathetic venues surely feel motivated by personal considerations more than
ideology, but they still play a role in reshaping the nation’s political
future. For generations, conservatives tried to convince doubters that their
ideas were right in some ultimate, philosophical sense. Now, with countless
frustrated families making fresh starts in right-leaning states, they’ve
obviously made the case that in the real world, it’s the conservative approach
that works.
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