by Mike Davis
Someday -- perhaps
sooner than we think -- a new Edward Gibbon will surely sit down to write The
History of the Decline and Fall of the American Empire.
1. Twin Towers
Two years from now the
staffs of Vanity Fair and the New Yorker will
move into the most haunted building in the world. There, the elite of
American celebrity photographers, gossip columnists, and magazine journalists
may meet some macabre new muses.
Aloft in the upper stories
of 1 World Trade Center (where Condé Nast publishing has signed the biggest
lease), they will gaze out their windows at that ghostly void, just a few yards
away, where 658 doomed employees of Cantor Fitzgerald were sitting at their
desks at 8:46 AM, September 11, 2001.
Not to worry: The “Freedom Tower ” -- the boosters reassure us --
will be an enduring consolation to the families of 9/11’s martyrs as well as an
icon of civic and national renaissance. Not to mention its dramatic
resurrection of property values in the neighborhood. (I confess that I
find this conflation of real-estate speculation with sublime memorial
unnerving: like proposing to build a yacht marina over the sunken Arizona or a
Katrina theme park in the Lower Ninth Ward.)
One World
Trade Center ,
in the original design, was also meant to restore vertical architectural
supremacy to Manhattan
and to be the tallest building in the world. This global phallic rivalry
was won instead by Dubai ’s Burj Khalifa
super-tower, completed last year and twice as high as the Empire State
Building .
In a few years Dubai , however, will have to surrender the gold cup to Saudi Arabia
and the bin Laden family
Financed by Prince Al-Waleed
bin Talal, who revels in being known as the “Arabian Warren Buffet,” the
planned Kingdom Tower
in Jeddah -- the ultimate hyperbole for Saudi despotism -- will pierce the
clouds along the Red Sea coastline at an
incredible altitude of one full kilometer (3,281 feet).
One World
Trade Center ,
on the other hand, will max out at 1,776 feet above the Hudson . (Conspiracy theorists can
obsess over this coincidence: the number of feet higher the Saudi Arabian tower
will be than the American one almost exactly equals the number of people who
died in the North
Tower of the WTC in
2001.)
With little publicity, the
initial billion-dollar contract for the Jeddah spire was awarded by Prince
Al-Waleed to the Arab world’s mega-builders and skyscraper experts -- the
Binladen Group. It may keep their family name alive for centuries
to come.
2. Collusion
Ten years ago, lower Manhattan became the Sarajevo
of the War on Terrorism. Although conscience recoils against making
any moral equation between the assassination of a single Archduke and his wife
on June 28, 1914, and the slaughter of almost 3,000 New Yorkers, the analogy
otherwise is eerily apt.
In both cases, a small
network of peripheral but well-connected conspirators, ennobled in their own
eyes by the bitter grievances of their region, attacked a major symbol of the
responsible empire. The outrages were deliberately aimed to detonate larger,
cataclysmic conflicts, and in this respect, were successful beyond the darkest
imagining of the plotters.
However, the magnitudes of
the resulting geopolitical explosions were not simple functions of the
notoriety of the acts themselves. For example, in Europe between 1890 and
1940, more than two dozen heads of state were assassinated, including the kings
of Italy , Greece , Yugoslavia ,
and Bulgaria , an empress of Austria , three Spanish prime ministers, two
presidents of France ,
and so on. But apart from the murder of Franz Ferdinand and his wife in Sarajevo , none of these
events instigated a war.
Likewise, a single suicide
bomber in a truck killed 241 U.S. Marines and sailors at their barracks at the Beirut Airport in
1983. (Fifty-eight French paratroopers were killed by another suicide
bomber the same day.) A Democratic president almost certainly would have
been pressured into massive retaliation or full-scale intervention in the
Lebanese civil war, but President Reagan -- very shrewdly -- distracted the
public with an invasion of tiny Grenada ,
while quietly withdrawing the rest of his Marines from the Eastern
Mediterranean .
If Sarajevo
and the World Trade Center ,
in contrast, unleashed global carnage and chaos, it was because a de
facto collusion existed between the attackers and the attacked.
I’m not referring to mythical British plots in the Balkans or Mossad agents
blowing up the Twin Towers, but simply to well-known facts: by 1912, the
Imperial German General Staff had already decided to exploit the first
opportunity to make war, and powerful neocons around George W. Bush were
lobbying for the overthrow of the regimes in Baghdad and Tehran even before the
last hanging chad had been counted in Florida in 2000.
Both the Hohenzollerns and
the Texans were in search of a casus belli that would
legitimate military intervention and silence domestic opposition.
Prussian militarism, of
course, was punctually accommodated by the Black Hand -- a terrorist group
sponsored by the Serbian general staff -- that assassinated the Archduke and
his wife, while al-Qaeda's horror show in lower Manhattan consecrated the
divine right of the White House to torture, secretly imprison, and kill by
remote control.
At the time, it seemed
almost as if Bush and Cheney had staged a coup d’étatagainst the
Constitution. Yet they could cynically but accurately point to a whole
catalogue of precedents.
3. “Innocence” and
Intervention
To put it bluntly, every
single chapter in the history of the extension of U.S. power has opened with
the same sentence: “Innocent Americans were treacherously attacked…”
Remember the Maine in
Havana harbor in 1898 (274 dead)?
The Lusitania torpedoed
by a German U-boat in 1915 (1,198 drowned, including 128 Americans)?
Pancho Villa’s raid on
Columbus, New Mexico, in 1916 (18 U.S citizens killed)?
Pearl Harbor (2,402 dead)?
Same sneak attack, same
righteous national outrage. Same pretext for clandestine agendas.
In addition, historians will
also recall the besieged legation in Peking (1899), Emilio Aguinaldo’s alleged
perfidy outside Manila (1899), various crimes against American banks and
businessmen in Central America and the Caribbean (1900-1930), the Japanese
bombing of the USS Panay in 1938, the Chinese army’s crossing
of the Yalu River into Korea (1950), the Gulf of Tonkin incident in Vietnam
(1964), the North Korean capture of the Pueblo(1968),
the Cambodian seizure of the Mayaguez (1975), the U.S. Embassy
hostages in Tehran (1979), the imperiled medical students in Grenada (1983),
the harassed American soldiers in Panama (1989), and so on.
This list barely scratches
the surface: the synchronization of self-pity and intervention in U.S. history
is relentless.
In the name of “innocent
Americans,” the United States annexed Hawaii and Puerto Rico; colonized the
Philippines; punished nationalism in North Africa and China; invaded Mexico
(twice); sent a generation to the killing fields of France (and imprisoned
dissenters at home); massacred patriots in Haiti, the Dominican Republic, and
Nicaragua; annihilated Japanese cities; bombed Korea and Indochina into rubble;
buttressed military dictatorships in Latin America; and became Israel’s partner
in the routine murder of Arab civilians.
4. Decline and Fall?
Someday -- perhaps sooner
than we think -- a new Edward Gibbon in China or India will surely sit down to
write The History of the Decline and Fall of the American Empire.
Hopefully it will be but one volume in a larger, more progressive oeuvre
-- The Renaissance of Asia perhaps -- and not an obituary for
a human future sucked into America’s grasping void.
I think she’ll probably
classify self-righteous American “innocence” as one of the most toxic
tributaries of national decline, with President Obama as its highest
incarnation. Indeed, from the perspective of the future, which will be
deemed the greater crime: to have created the Guantanamo nightmare in the first
place, or to have preserved it in contempt of global popular opinion and one’s
own campaign promises?
Obama, who was elected to
bring the troops home, close the gulags, and restore the Bill of Rights, has in
fact become the chief curator of the Bush legacy: a born-again convert to
special ops, killer drones, immense intelligence budgets, Orwellian surveillance
technology, secret jails, and the superhero cult of former general, now CIA
Director David Petraeus.
Our “antiwar” president, in
fact, may be taking U.S. power deeper into the darkness than any of us dare to
imagine. And the more fervently Obama embraces his role as commander in
chief of the Delta Force and Navy Seals, the less likely it becomes that future
Democrats will dare to reform the Patriot Act or challenge the presidential
prerogative to murder and incarcerate America’s enemies in secret.
Enmired in wars with
phantoms, Washington has been blindsided by every major trend of the last
decade. It completely misread the real yearnings of the Arab street and
the significance of mainstream Islamic populism, ignored the emergence of
Turkey and Brazil as independent powers, forgot Africa, and lost much of its
leverage with Germany as well as with Israel’s increasingly arrogant
reactionaries. Most importantly, Washington has failed to develop any
coherent policy framework for its relationship with China, its main creditor
and most important rival.
From a Chinese standpoint
(assumedly the perspective of our future Ms. Gibbon), the United States is
showing incipient symptoms of being a failed state. When Xinhua, the
semi-official Chinese news agency, scolds the U.S. Congress for being
“dangerously irresponsible” in debt negotiations, or when senior Chinese
leaders openly worry about the stability of American political and economic
institutions, the shoe is truly on the other foot. Especially when
standing in the wings, bibles in hand, are the mad spawn of 9/11 -- the
Republican presidential candidates.
Mike Davis is author,
most recently, of the kids' adventure, 'Land of the Lost Mammoths' (Perceval
Press, 2003) and co-author of 'Under the Perfect Sun: the San Diego Tourists
Never See' (New Press, 2003). He is currently working on a book about the
recent political earthquake in California, 'Heavy Metal Freeway' (to be
published by Metropolitan Books).
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